Kerala: Another Kashmir in the making

http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=398&page=9

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KERALA is another Kashmir in the making. A booklet, Kerala’s Radical Turn, published by India Foundation, New Delhi, has highlighted the similarities between present day Kashmir valley and Kerala in detail.

Beginning from the entry of Islam to Malabar of Kerala, forcible conversion of Hindus into Islam by Tippu Sultan of Mysore, violent attacks of Moplahs on Hindus to the present day violent activities by radical Muslims, the booklet also discusses in detail the UPA government’s attempts to deploy more Muslim-police in Muslim concentrated areas of the state.

The booklet, which prominently contains three articles—Islam in Kerala by TG Mohandas, Kerala-Waiting for the Big Role by Girish P, and In a Pluralistic Part of India Fears of Rising Islamic Extremism by Emily Wax, highlights the present day picture of Kerala and asks for immediate measures to arrest the growing Islamic extremism.

“Politicians are afraid of antagonizing Muslim vote bank. Result? There is no policing worth its name in Muslim dominated areas. It is a letter from the Internal Security Department of the Union Home Ministry. Malappuram, in this letter, is the Muslim majority district. Beemappalli is an area thickly populated by Muslims near Thiruvananthapuram air port. All foreign goods including drugs are openly sold there. Even the District Collector is not permitted to enter the area unless sanction is obtained from Muslim leaders. Pulled and pressurized from all sides, the Home Minster of Kerala, Shri Kodiyeri Balakrishnan, admitted openly that the PFI/NDF activists are directly implicated in 22 murders in the state. The situation is going to be worse by the Union Government’s instruction to deploy more Muslim-police in Muslim concentrated areas. This is being done in the name of Sachar Committee, while Sachar has not made such a recommendation,” said Shri TG Mohandas in his article.

“Many of the international jihad mongers regularly visit Kerala, especially Kozhikkode and Malappuram. The speeches made are highly anti-national, communal and vituperative. The world (in)famous terror cleric Yusuf-ul-Qaradawi tops among the foreign speakers. This man openly supports separatists in J&K by calling them Freedom Fighters. The book, Qaradavi’s Fatwas in two volumes was published by Islamic Publishing House in Malayalam. Another book, Al Iqwanul Muslimoon (meaning Muslim Brotherhood) in Malayalam is running the second edition now. It declares in unequivocal language “…Jihad is our path. Death in the path to Allah is our greatest wish.” This, briefly, is the ideological mindset being nurtured and nourished in the brains of the present day Muslim youth of Kerala,” the booklet says.

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When Two Muslims Meet: The Media(ted) case of Madani and Shahina

http://thefishpond.in/ashraf/2010/when-two-muslims-meet

K Ashraf & Jenny Rowena

Shahina K K, a journalist withTehelka went to Karnataka to prepare an investigative report on the case on Abdul Nasar Madani, the Chairman of PDP. Madani had spend almost 10 years in Jail as an undertrial in the 1998 Coimbatore blast before he was let off without any charges on 1 August 2007. In her report (Why is this man still in prison?, Tehelka, December 4^th, 2010) Shahina tried to look into the police story that Madani had conspired in the Bengaluru blasts in separate meetings two years ago — one which took place in Madani’s rented home in Kochi and the other in the Lakkeri estate in Kodaku Karnataka.

Here, she not only talks of the reports about the many people who have questioned the police story – like James Varghese, the owner of Madani’s rented house in Kochi, and Madani’s brother Jamal Mohammed – but she also investigates the witnesses whose accounts have led the court to deny Madani bail. According to her investigations Shahina finds out that many of the witnesses have things to say that goes against the police story. For instance, Yoganand, a BJP worker whose testimony is recorded in the charge sheet, Shahina reports, does not even know that he is a witness in the Madani case !

Now this is a case of good investigative journalism, which has the power to unsettle the stories that are constantly being planted in the media by the police. However, just a few days after her report comes out, the Karnataka police slaps a case against Shahina under IPC 506, for “intimidating the witnesses.” No stretch of imagination allows one to view the attempt of a journalist to talk to the witnesses in a particular case as ‘intimidation.’ Yet, in this age of embedded journalism and paid news and the likes of Praveen Swamy and Burkha Dutt, this critical attempt at investigation which challenges a given police story, can easily be labeled thus and the journalist targeted. More importantly, Shahina’s case is further mediated through other important issues, which includes the political career of Abdul Nasar Madani, whose case she was investigating and her own identity as a Muslim woman.

Shahina’s attempt to investigate goes deep into the whole issue of how Abdul Nasar Madani, who holds a particular and important political position in Kerala, was incarcerated in jail for long years, without trail, and then acquitted with all charges against him unproved. This gross case of injustice was further extended when the police tried to implicate his wife Sufiya in the Bengaluru blasts that took place on 25^th July 2008. Three months back, in spite of protests from various quarters in Kerala, Madani was arrested once again for conspiracy as one of the accused in the Bengaluru blasts. Later, his bail application was also dismissed considering what the court called the “nature and gravity of the offence.” The repercussions and the backlash on Shahina’s investigations are clearly connected to the case of Abdul Nazar Madani.  In fact, even to bring up the issue of Madani is to evoke anxieties about Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism. In the words of Charles Hirschkind and Saba Mahmood,

“a whole set of questionable assumptions, anxieties, and prejudices [are] embedded in the notion of Islamic fundamentalism.” (From their article: Feminism, the Taliban, and Politics of Counter-Insurgency.)

This then is used as a bogey to deal with any kind of response, activity or political action from the location of a Muslim identity. However, no one worries that this political leader has been in jail for 10 long years without trail and that now, he is back in jail and being systematically denied bail. An issue that Shahina’s report addresses too, with its title: “Why is this man still in jail?” In fact, today, the question of terrorism and the Muslim can obfuscate all other questions about equality and justice. The Muslim, is caught in a construction that implicates him/her as inherently capable of terrorizing this country and therefore easily punishable. S/he is always already someone who can be easily pushed outside the ambit of the discourses of human rights and legal justice.

In fact, Madani is an important political voice in Kerala who addressed the question of Muslims and dalitbahujans after the Mandal-Masjid phenomenon of the 90s. Rooted in a discourse that drew from Islamic tenants, Madani’s vision focused on the inherent inequalities in Kerala society, both in terms of caste and religion. However his new political language was found ‘deviant’ and ignored or attacked by dominant discourses, mainly because of its allegiance to Islamic discourses and the Muslim identity. Thus Madani, who had been able to organize some of the most unprivileged sections in Kerala, is shorn of all his political credentials from within the stand point of the construction of the Muslim as the fundamentalist other of a Secular State/Culture.

The media has always stood strongly on the side of such dominant constructions all through the political career of Madani. Recently when his wife Soofiya Madani was alleged to have been involved in a conspiracy that led to the burning of a Tamil Nadu State Transport Corporation bus at Kalamassery, Kochi in September 2005, reports in the media found her guilty even before Judicial processes could start. Similarly we have seen the media conniving with the Police/State on other issues concerning the “others” of Kerala. One can recall the maligning of the Dalit Human Rights Groups (DHRM) as terrorists and the false case of Love Jihad, where young Muslim men were accused of converting Hindu women into Islam after starting romantic relationships with them. However, when in May 17, 2009 6 Muslim men from a fishing community were killed and 47 others injured (27 of them had bullet injuries) in a police firing in Beemapally, most of the Malayalam media kept completely silent about this incident, which was one of the most violent incidents of police oppression that Kerala had ever witnessed. All this are surely signs of the impunity with which the Malayalam media treats issues that are related to its “others,” especially the Muslim.

It is this entrenched attitude of the media that Shahina’s report tries to confront, head on. However, it is a Shahina who is doing this and not just another journalist; like Madani, she too is caught in the same issues that haunt the Muslim location and identity. In fact, Shahina herself has reported how, when she went to the village to investigate, she was stopped by the police and asked whether she was a terrorist. Many of the papers in Karnataka like Sakthi, Prajavani and Kannada also reported the incident as a “suspicious” visit by a “group of Muslims !” Here, just as Madani’s Islamic roots could tarnish the weight and importance of his political career, Shahina’s Muslim name could do away with all her other identities.

It is no wonder then that a report in the Mathrubhumi faithfully reports the police version that Shahina and the others in her group tried to “threaten” the witnesses. Such a report, without even a preliminary kind of investigation, quickly reiterates the police story, putting the blame squarely on Shahina’s shoulders. This is exactly how much of the media has behaved in the case of Madani too. In many ways, it was the media in Kerala that raised the alarm against Madani so high and shrill that it was so easy for the police to get him back in jail and keep him there. We need to think seriously about all these issues raised in connection to the Shahina case.

Surely, as Shahina writes in her status message in Facebook:

“this is not a case against me as an individual, but it is a warning to the entire press community not to try to quash the cooked up stories by the police.”

Moreover, this is also yet another instance where the complex and often oppressive relationship of the Indian state and the Muslim minority is clearly revealed – a relationship in which the media has always played a highly dubious and questionable role. It is not surprising then that Shahina’s alternative mediation, to investigate into this and to reveal the fissures within many of our consensus has met with such a reaction. It is important that we reflect on these issues and extend our support to Shahina and to Madani, who is still in jail, also as a result of all these various, anti-minority mediations.

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മഅ്ദനി കേസ് അന്വേഷിക്കാന്‍ പത്രപ്രവര്‍ത്തകര്‍ക്ക് സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യം നല്‍കണം -സാംസ്‌കാരിക പ്രവര്‍ത്തകര്‍

Published on Tue, 12/07/2010 - 

ന്യൂദല്‍ഹി: മഅ്ദനി കേസ് നിഷ്പക്ഷമായി അന്വേഷിക്കാന്‍ പത്രപ്രവര്‍ത്തകര്‍ക്ക് സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യം നല്‍കണമെന്ന് ന്യൂദല്‍ഹിയില്‍ വിവിധ സാംസ്‌കാരിക പ്രവര്‍ത്തകരും സംഘടനകളും കര്‍ണാടക ഭവന് മുമ്പില്‍ സംഘടിപ്പിച്ച ധര്‍ണയില്‍ ആവശ്യപ്പെട്ടു. 'തെഹല്‍ക' ലേഖിക ഷാഹിനക്കെതിരായ കര്‍ണാടക പൊലീസ് നടപടിയുടെ വെളിച്ചത്തില്‍ അബ്ദുന്നാസിര്‍ മഅ്ദനിക്ക് നീതിപൂര്‍വമായ വിചാരണ ഉറപ്പുവരുത്തണമെന്നും അവര്‍ ആവശ്യപ്പെട്ടു. പ്രചാരണങ്ങളുടെ ഭാഗമാക്കി പൊലീസിനെ മാറ്റുന്നത് നീതീകരിക്കാനാവില്ലെന്ന് അവര്‍ പറഞ്ഞു.
 കേരളത്തിലെ ഷാഹിനക്കെതിരായ കേസ് മാത്രമായി പ്രശ്‌നത്തെ കാണരുതെന്നും ദേശീയ തലത്തില്‍ വളരുന്ന വര്‍ഗീയതയുടെ ഭാഗമാണിതെന്നും ധര്‍ണയില്‍ സംസാരിച്ച ഡോ. ജി. അരുണിമ പറഞ്ഞു. പൊലീസിന്റെ വാദങ്ങള്‍ വെല്ലുവിളിക്കാനുള്ള അവകാശം രാജ്യത്തെ ഓരോ പൗരനുമുണ്ടെന്നും പൊലീസിന്റെ കെട്ടുകഥകള്‍ക്ക് പിന്നിലെ യാഥാര്‍ഥ്യങ്ങള്‍ ചുഴിഞ്ഞന്വേഷിക്കാന്‍ പത്രലേഖകര്‍ക്ക് കഴിഞ്ഞില്ലെങ്കില്‍ ജനാധിപത്യത്തിന് നിലനില്‍പില്ലെന്നും ഡോ.നിവേദിത മേനോന്‍ ഓര്‍മിപ്പിച്ചു.
പ്രഫ. എ.കെ. രാമകൃഷ്ണന്‍, ശ്രീരേഖ, സച്ചിന്‍ നാരായണന്‍ എന്നിവരും സംസാരിച്ചു. ജെന്നി റൊവേന, ഹാനി ബാബു, അശ്‌റഫ്. കെ, ബിന്ദു മേനോന്‍, അനില്‍ തായത്ത് വര്‍ഗീസ്, യാസര്‍ അറഫാത്ത് എന്നിവര്‍ ധര്‍ണക്ക് നേതൃത്വം നല്‍കി.
കെ.കെ ഷാഹിനക്കെതിരായ കേസുകള്‍ പിന്‍വലിക്കുക,  കര്‍ണാടക പൊലീസിന്റെ പീഡനങ്ങള്‍ക്കെതിരെ നിഷ്പക്ഷ അന്വേഷണം നടത്തുക, മഅ്ദനി കേസ് നിഷ്പക്ഷമായി അന്വേഷിക്കാന്‍ പത്രപ്രവര്‍ത്തകകര്‍ക്ക് സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യം നല്‍കുക, മഅ്ദനിക്ക് നീതിപൂര്‍വമായ വിചാരണ ഉറപ്പുവരുത്തുക എന്നീ നാല് ആവശ്യങ്ങള്‍ അടങ്ങുന്ന നിവേദനം റെസിഡന്റ് കമീഷണര്‍ക്ക് കൈമാറിയാണ് ധര്‍ണ അവസാനിപ്പിച്ചത്.

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Beemapalli Police Firing: Kerala’s Own Cultural Amnesia

http://thefishpond.in/ashraf/2011/beemapalli-police-firing-kerala%E2%80%99s-own-cultural-amnesia/

Ashraf K & Jenny Rowena

Two years ago on the 17th of May the Kerala police entered the Muslim residential area of Beemapalli, a small seaside town in Thiruvanathapuram, and shot down 5 men and injured 52 other men. They also killed a sixteen year old boy by attacking him with the bayonet of a gun. This was one of the biggest police firings that had ever happened in the history of modern Kerala. The police claimed that it was done to control the “communally inspired mob” of Beemapalli that was trying to attack the neighboring Latin Catholic community and Church. However the fact finding reports by the PUCL (People’s Union for Civil Liberties) and the NCHRO (National Confederation of Human Rights Organization) tell us a different story. According to the findings of these organizations, there were no communal conflicts at that point in Beemapalli, which caused the Police to fire at the crowd.

What is most shocking is that this incident was almost completely ignored in the public sphere of Kerala. There were no political protests against this firing other than a small and partial hartal called by a few Muslim organizations. More importantly, there was very little coverage about the firing in the print and visual media. Whatever news that did come out reported the police story faithfully without conducting any sort of investigation into what had happened.

The silence over the Beemapalli continues to this day. Though only two years have passed, even in the present legislative assembly elections that happened in April this year, this issue was not mentioned by any of the political parties involved.

It is commonly perceived that what happened in Beemapalli was a result of the “communal tensions” existing in the locality. Such a perception surely works to “erase the memory” (as Gyanendra Pandey rightly puts it in his study on the Bhagalpur riots of 1989) of this incident, which is seen as nothing but a momentary lapse in the secular structure of Kerala. However, recent enquiries into religion, secularism and violence tell us that communalism does not stand outside the purview of secularism, but is the very substance that defines the contours of the secular. In fact it is Kerala’s modern, secular emphasis that helps construct a communal discourse around Beemapalli which is then used to suppress the larger issue of police violence and render it invisible – an invisibility that mar(k)s the progressive claims of Kerala. This invisibility was indeed challenged by some Muslim organizations and community-based Newspapers like Madhyamam, Tejas, and the fact finding committee reports of various human right organizations. All of them wrote and spoke against the police version within a few days after the firing. But their voices were not properly ‘heard’ in the secular public sphere of Kerala.

Revisiting the Police Firing

Beemapalli is the name of a Masjid in the seaside town of Beemapalli around which about 28,000 Mulims live, most of whom are lower-caste converts (especially from the Nadar community) who make a living by fishing. Beemapalli is famous for its “informal economy” based on the selling of “illegal” foreign goods. It is especially famous for the huge ‘black’ market for DVDs and CDs of both Indian and foreign films. Beemapalli lies near Cheriyathura which is dominated by Latin Catholics who are classified as OBCs among Christians. Both these communities have lived in this area for quite a long time and there have been certain incidents of conflict between them. However, the incidents that led to the Police firing were not connected to any of this.

According to the Beemapalli residents everything started on 8th of May when a local ‘goon’ named Kombu Shibu from the Cheriyathura area came to their area and started a fight with them regarding the Uroos ceremony of the Beemapalli Dargah, which he threatened to stop. This went on till May 16, Saturday evening, when Kombu Shibu and friends stopped the buses to Beemapalli filled with the devotees who were on their way to the Uroos ceremony. Though it is well known that the Uroos ceremony is central to the life of the Beemapalli residents, the police did not take any action against Kombu Shibu. This led to clashes between some of the Beemapalli residents and Kombu Shibu and his accomplices. With the police refusing to intervene, the tension increased and led to more clashes. On May 17, Sunday, around 2.30 in the afternoon, the police suddenly entered the scene and moved hundred meters into Beemapally and started firing at the Beemapalli residents who were engaged in various activities on the beach.

However, the police put forward a totally different picture of what happened in Beemapalli. According to them, the “violent mob’ of Beemapalli entered Cheriyathura area with “explosives from Nagpur,” and tried to attack the Church and the small Latin Catholic community of Cheriyathura. Once the media reports legitimized the police story, the Latin Catholic Church authorities also started claiming that they were attacked by the Beemapalli residents. By propagating such a story the police was able to successfully frame the whole incident as ‘communal violence’ instigated by the Beemapalli Muslims. This framing was quite calculated and done with the intention of creating a particular public opinion about the firing. For instance, look at the way in which the incident was referred to in the print and visual media as the ‘Cheriyathura firing’. This takes away the attention from Beemapalli to Cheriyathura and re-asserts the police version that it was the Muslim fishermen of Beemapalli who attacked Cheriyathura, at which point they had to fire at them. Once the media thus collaborated with the police to bring this incident under the purview of “communal violence,” the police could easily use the same to cover up their attack on Beemapalli.

There are two other aspects to the unpardonable attack on Beemapalli. One is that it points to an ongoing struggle between the State and the Beemapalli residents around the issue of the flourishing Beemapalli black market and the conduct of the Uroos Ceremony. The police constantly seek to control these but they often slide out of their hands because of the alternative community structure and consciousness in Beemapalli. In Beemapalli the Mahallu Jamaat (which is a kind of autonomous Islamic body that looks after the affairs of many Muslim communities) is quiet strong and even gives out an identity card to all the residents, which is used for various welfare measures. This social structure gives a certain kind of autonomy to the Beemapalli residents and do not give much space for the police to intervene. The second important aspect of this attack is the fact that Beemapalli as a lowerclass Muslim seaside ghetto stands highly marginalized in Kerala.

Inhabited by fisher men and others engaged in the illegal market, the ghettoized Muslim location of Beemapalli has come to be marked as a deviant space that stands away from the mainstream of the capital city of Thiruvanathapuram, which is seen as a chaste (Hindu) space inhabited by well-settled government officials. The festivals, rituals and social life of Beemapalli is viewed with suspicion and stereotyped in popular media and discourses. Even some Salafi orators (the inheritors of the 20th century Islahi (Reformist) Movement among Muslims), constantly refer to the Beemapalli Muslims as ‘Kafirs’ and ‘terrorists’. Thus Beemapalli is distanced even from the mainstream of the Muslim location.

It is clear that Beemapalli and its lower class Muslim inhabitants are already marked out as “violent” or as falling outside the purview and privilege of the reasonable, secular public sphere in Kerala. Such a process works to justify and overlook any sort of violence done to them and makes them an easy prey to the excesses of the State. On the occasion of its second anniversary, it is important to remember the Beemapalli firing and think carefully about the silence and amnesia regarding it. In fact, it is time we realize that to remember Beemapalli is to remember the political contours of contemporary Kerala.

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ബീമാപള്ളി വെടിവെപ്പ്: സ്‌ഫോടക വസ്തു ശേഖരം മുന്‍കൂട്ടിയറിയാന്‍ രഹസ്യാന്വേഷണ വിഭാഗത്തിനായില്ലെന്ന് മുന്‍ എ.ഡി.ജി.പി

Published on Mon, 05/09/2011 

തിരുവനന്തപുരം: ബീമാപള്ളി ചെറിയതുറ പ്രദേശത്ത് ഉഗ്രസ്‌ഫോടക വസ്തുവായ നിയോജെല്‍ 90 ശേഖരിച്ചത് മുന്‍കൂട്ടി അറിയാന്‍ സംസ്ഥാന ജില്ലാതല രഹസ്യാന്വേഷണ വിഭാഗത്തിനായില്ലെന്ന് മുന്‍ എ.ഡി.ജി.പി വി.ആര്‍. രാജീവന്‍. ബീമാപള്ളിയില്‍ പൊലീസ് നടത്തിയ വെടിവെപ്പില്‍ ആറുപേര്‍ മരിക്കാനിടയായതും അനുബന്ധ സംഭവങ്ങളും അന്വേഷിക്കുന്ന ചെറിയതുറ ജുഡീഷ്യല്‍ കമീഷന്‍ മുമ്പാകെ മൊഴി നല്‍കുകയായിരുന്നു അദ്ദേഹം.
സംഭവസ്ഥലത്തുനിന്ന് ലഭിച്ച സ്‌ഫോടക വസ്തു പ്രാദേശികമായി ഉപയോഗിക്കുന്നതോ ലഭ്യമായതോ അല്ല. ഇതുസംബന്ധിച്ച അന്വേഷണം പുരോഗമിക്കുകയാണ്. വെടിവെപ്പ് നടന്നതിനുശേഷം മാത്രമാണ് താന്‍ സംഭവ സ്ഥലത്ത് എത്തിയത്. വെടിവെക്കുന്നതിന് മുമ്പ് സംഭവസ്ഥലത്തുനിന്ന് പൊലീസ് ഉദ്യോഗസ്ഥര്‍ തന്നെ വിവരമറിയിച്ചില്ല. സംഭവ ദിവസം വൈകുന്നേരം 3.30ന് ബീച്ച് റോഡില്‍ സംഘര്‍ഷമുള്ളതായി വിവരം ലഭിച്ചില്ലെങ്കിലും വ്യക്തമായ മറ്റ് വിവരങ്ങള്‍ ലഭിച്ചില്ല.
ആകാശത്തേക്ക് വെടിവെച്ചുവെന്നാണ് ആദ്യം അറിയിപ്പ് ലഭിച്ചത്. ഡി.ജി.പിയോട് അധികസേനയെ വിന്യസിക്കാന്‍ ആവശ്യപ്പെട്ടശേഷം സംഭവ സ്ഥലത്തേക്ക് തിരിച്ചു. കലക്ടറെ ഫോണില്‍ വിളിക്കാന്‍ ശ്രമിച്ചെങ്കിലും കഴിഞ്ഞില്ല. തുടര്‍ന്ന് കലക്ടര്‍ തിരിച്ചുവിളിക്കുകയായിരുന്നു. 4.30ന് ശേഷം സംഭവസ്ഥലത്ത് എത്തിയപ്പോള്‍ കലക്ടറും എത്തി. പിന്നീട് കലക്ടറുടെ നേതൃത്വത്തില്‍ ഫ്‌ളാഗ് മാര്‍ച്ച് നടത്തിയപ്പോഴാണ് ആളുകള്‍ പിരിഞ്ഞുപോയത്.
വെടിവെപ്പിന് തലേന്ന് സംഭവസ്ഥലത്ത് എത്തിയപ്പോള്‍ കുറച്ചാളുകള്‍ പൊലീസിനുനേരെ മുദ്രാവാക്യം വിളിക്കുകയും കൂട്ടം കൂടി നില്‍ക്കുന്നുമുണ്ടായിരുന്നു. കൊമ്പ് ഷിബുവിനെ കുറിച്ച് രേഖാമൂലം പൊലീസിന് പരാതി ലഭിക്കാത്തതിനാലാണ് വെടിവെപ്പിന് തലേന്ന് അറസ്റ്റ് ചെയ്യാത്തത്. കൊമ്പ്ഷിബുവിനെ മാത്രമായി അറസ്റ്റ് ചെയ്താല്‍ സംഘര്‍ഷത്തിന് ആക്കം കൂടുകയേ ചെയ്യുകയുള്ളൂ.
 ലഹളക്ക് വഴിവെച്ച യഥാര്‍ഥ സംഭവം എന്തെന്ന് ഇപ്പോള്‍ പുറത്തുപറയാനാവില്ല. ഇത് സംബന്ധിച്ച കേസുകളില്‍ അന്വേഷണം നടക്കുകയാണ്. കേരളത്തിലെ തീരപ്രദേശങ്ങളെല്ലാം പ്രശ്‌നസാധ്യതയുള്ളവയാണ്.
അടിയന്തര സാഹചര്യങ്ങളില്‍ സ്‌റ്റേഷന്‍ ഓഫിസര്‍ക്ക് മുകളിലുള്ള ഏത് പൊലീസ് ഉദ്യോഗസ്ഥനും വെടിവെക്കാനുള്ള ഉത്തരവ് നല്‍കാം.
സാമുദായിക സംഘര്‍ഷങ്ങള്‍ നിയന്ത്രിക്കുന്നതിനുള്ള മാര്‍ഗനിര്‍ദേശത്തില്‍ സാമുദായിക സംഘര്‍ഷം ഒഴിവാക്കാന്‍ കര്‍ശന നടപടി സ്വീകരിക്കണമെന്നും സ്വീകരിക്കാത്ത ഉദ്യോഗസ്ഥര്‍ക്കെതിരെ നടപടിക്കും നിര്‍ദേശമുണ്ടെന്ന് എ.ഡി.ജി.പി വ്യക്തമാക്കി.
ചെറിയതുറ ജുഡീഷ്യല്‍ കമീഷനില്‍ ഇന്ന് മുന്‍ കലക്ടര്‍ സഞ്ജയ് കൗളിനെ സാക്ഷിയായി വിസ്തരിക്കും.

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